原创翻译:龙腾网 http://www.ps5588.com 翻译:yzy86 转载请注明出处



Psychologists have long theorized thatChinese people experience their emotions more physically than other cultures.What does that say about me?

(副标题)长久以来,心理学家已经建立出一种理论,即中国人在体验他们的情感时,要比其他文化背景的人更仰赖身体。这个理论对我的情况又要怎么说呢?

JUST AFTER lunchtime, on a blisteringsummer day in Washington D.C., cultural psychologist Yulia Chentsova-Dutton isshowing me the stars. They’re on her computer screen at Georgetown University,and labelled disturbingly: insomnia, anhedonia, headache, social withdrawal,chronic pain, and more. Each star represents a somatic or emotional sensationlixed to depression.

刚过午餐时间,在华盛顿一个酷热的夏日里,文化心理学家茱莉娅·千索娃-达顿正在向我展示星星。它们映现在她乔治城大学的电脑屏幕上,而且标注上了令人不安的字眼:失眠、快感缺乏、头痛、回避社交、慢性疼痛以及更多。每颗星星代表了一种和抑郁相关联的肉体或情绪上的感觉。

“There’s the way people express depression … and then there’s whatChinese people do.”

“人们有他们表达抑郁的方式...而中国人自有其做法。”



Since the 1980s, cultural psychologists hadbeen finding that, in a variety of empirically demonstrable ways, Chinesepeople tend to express their feelings, particularly psychological distress,through their bodies — a process known as somatization. I had first encounteredthis concept while researching a story about my own family connection to theChinese Cultural Revolution and the curious idea that psychological trauma mightbe able to pass from one generation to the next — a scientifically tenuousnotion, but one that has generated increasing study among psychologists and,more recently, geneticists.

八十年代以来,文化心理学家已经发现,在各式各样的实证证明方法下,中国人倾向于通过他们的身体来表达他们的感受,尤其是心理困扰,这个过程被称为躯体化。我第一次碰到这个概念时,正在研究一个有关我自己家族和六、七十年代的故事,以及心理创伤可能会一代传一代这个挺稀奇的想法,这是一个在科学上没啥说服力的想法,但近些年,已经在心理学家和遗传学家群体中引发了越来越多的研究。

(译注:躯体化即精神经验及状态转化为躯体症状)

“It has become this one finding from culture and mental healthresearch that has filtered its way down to conventional practice,”Chentsova-Dutton’s collaborator, Andrew Ryder — a cultural psychologist atConcordia University in Canada — told me. “There’s the way people expressdepression, which is to have a depressed mood. And then there’s what Chinesepeople do, which is different.”

千索娃-达顿的合作者,加拿大康科迪亚大学的文化心理学家安德鲁·瑞德告诉我,“这个从文化和精神健康研究中得来的发现,已经一路渗透进了习俗中的做法”。“人们有他们表达抑郁的方式,也就是处在一种抑郁的心境中。而中国人自有其不同的做法。”

After I had first learned about Chinesesomatization, I began peering through the older literature, but couldn’t findan explanation I felt satisfied with. Ryder said a similar dissatisfactionlaunched his and Chentsova-Dutton’s research in this area. “You had peoplewriting about how the Chinese are less sophisticated people,” Ryder said. “Inthe past, people said that the Chinese don’t express emotions the right way.They do it in a kind of immature way.”

在我第一次了解到中国人的躯体化现象后,我开始遍览年代更早的文献,但找不到一种让我满意的解释。瑞德说,正是一种相似的不满肇发了他和千索娃-达顿在这个领域的研究。“你会看到有人写说,中国人是如何如何不那么复杂世故的人”,瑞德说。“在过去,人们说的是中国人没有用正确的方式表达情感。他们用一种不成熟的方式在做这件事。”



In 2004, a study spearheaded by theDepression Clinical and Research Program at Massachusetts General Hospitalfound that 76 percent of depressed Chinese Americans interviewed in a primarycare setting described mostly physical symptoms. “The results suggest that manyChinese Americans do not consider depressed mood a symptom to report to theirphysicians,” the authors wrote, “and many are unfamiliar with depression as atreatable psychiatric disorder.”

2004年,由马萨诸塞州总医院抑郁症临床和研究计划牵头的一项研究发现,76%的美国华裔在大型医疗站中描述的大多是身体症状。“这些结果表明,很多美国华裔并不会把抑郁的心境视为一种需要上报给他们医师的症状”,作者们写道,“而且很多人并不熟悉抑郁症,不晓得这是一种可以医治的精神障碍。”

Other work has yielded more complicatedresults. A follow-up by Yen found that a Chinese student sample reported lesssomatic symptoms compared with Chinese American and Euro-American studentsamples, leading the researchers to conclude it was the role as a patient, andnot intrinsic “Chinese-ness,” that led to an emphasis on the body. In 2004,another study from Parker revealed that if Chinese patients were carefullyquestioned about psychological symptoms, they would offer them — perhaps theChinese simply didn’t do it on their own.

另一些工作已经得出了更复杂的结果。由严负责的一项跟踪研究发现,相比美国华裔和美国欧洲裔的学生样本,中国学生的样本上报的躯体化症状更少,这就使得这些研究者得出结论:这只是扮演了病患的角色,而非本质上的“中国根性”,而这也会导致对躯体的强调。2004年时,来自帕克的另一项研究揭示出:如果就心理症状仔细询问中国病患,他们也是会说出来的,也许中国人只是不会自己去做这件事罢了。

In 2008, Ryder led his own study, comparingclinical outpatients from Hunan Medical University in China to ones from theCenter for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto. He found that both sets ofpatients had a mixture of psychological and somatic complaints, but theCanadians did significantly report more psychological ones. In follow-up workusing the same data from his 2008 research, Ryder found that while the Chinesereported somatic symptoms of depression, it was the Euro-Canadians whoemphasized bodily symptoms when it came to anxiety.

2008年时,瑞德主导了他自己的研究,他比较了中国湖南医科大学和多伦多成瘾与心理健康中心的临床门诊病人。他发现,两组病人的疾患,均夹杂了心理和躯体层面,但那些加拿大人上报的心理疾患远超躯体疾患。跟踪工作使用的数据和2008年的研究是同一批,他从中发现,虽然中国人上报了抑郁的躯体化症状,当谈到焦虑问题时强调身体症状的却是加拿大欧洲裔。

For all the cross-cutting results, however,Ryder and other researchers remain convinced that the human experience ofdepression — and really, of all mental states — is culturally shaped, at leastin part, and that the Chinese do tend to more often emphasize physical, ratherthan emotional or mental states.

然而,对于所有这些贯穿交杂的结果,瑞德和其他研究者仍然深信:人类的抑郁体验(所有精神状态下的)是受文化塑造的,至少一部分是,而且中国人确实更倾向于强调躯体状态,而不是情绪或精神状态。

“Maybe the Chinese are emphasizing somaticsymptoms because in fact the somatic experience really is more salient to thosepeople.”

“这些中国人之所以强调躯体症状,也许是因为事实上这些躯体体验在那些人身上确实更为突出。”

“The big debate is becoming, why is this happening?” Ryder said. “Ithink there are two sides, and I don’t think this has been fully resolved yet.One picture of it is almost a strategic answer, which is that Chinese peopleare choosing to talk about the somatic symptoms, and choosing not to talk aboutthe psychological symptoms. The other approach is to say, maybe the Chinese areemphasizing somatic symptoms because in fact the somatic experience really ismore salient to those people. They’re reporting more sleep problems becausethey’re having more sleep problems. They’re reporting more pain because they’reexperiencing more pain. I think it’s a more interesting possibility. It’s alsoa lot more controversial.”

“这里的大争论正在变成,为什么会发生这种情况?”瑞德说。“我认为,这其中存在两面,而且我不觉得这个问题已经彻底解决了。这其中的一个角度近乎是一个策略性的答案了,即中国人选择去谈论那些躯体化症状,而选择不去谈论那些心理症状。而另一个角度说的是,也许中国人强调躯体化症状,是因为事实上躯体经验在那些人身上确实更为突出。他们上报了更多的睡眠问题,是因为他们身上存在的睡眠问题更多。他们上报更多的疼痛,是因为他们体验到了更多的疼痛。我认为这是一种更有意思的可能性。其自带的争议性也强得多。”



If the Chinese were somehow being sparedfrom depression, they were not from another disorder, called neurasthenia. Inthe 1980s and 1990s when those mental health surveys were conducted, somewherebetween 80 and 90 percent of Chinese psychiatric outpatients were beingdiagnosed with it. In the outpatient clinic of the Hunan Medical College thatKleinman traveled to, neurasthenia was the most common diagnosis given toneurotic patients. Kleinman, who taught and worked at Harvard and theUniversity of Washington, had never seen the diagnosis given in his clinics.

如果说中国人因为某些原因免受抑郁之灾,他们可没有躲过另一种称为神经衰弱的失调症。在展开这类精神健康调查的八十和九十年代,有80%至90%的精神科门诊病人诊断出了这种病。在克莱曼造访的湖南医科大学门诊部里,神经衰弱是对神经症病人最普遍的诊断。而在哈佛大学和华盛顿大学教学和工作的克莱曼,在自己的门诊部里从未见过有人给出这种诊断。

Neurasthenia, first described in 1869 byGeorge Miller Beard, encompasses over 70 symptoms, including weakness, fatigue,memory loss, dizziness, headache, insomnia, and chronic pain. But by the 1940sin the U.S., practitioners were questioning its validity. It eventually fell tothe wayside with other too-vague syndromes, like hysteria, which represented acluster of symptoms rather than a specific pathology. But as neurasthenia wasfading away in the U.S., psychoanalysts elsewhere were embracing the term“somatization” — from the Greek “soma,” or body. They thought of it as aprimitive defense mechanism, a way that an anxiety or fear buried in thesubconscious could break through to the conscious world. And they wereincreasingly associating it with the Chinese.

神经衰弱是由乔治·米勒·比尔德在1869年首次描述的,包含了70多种症状,包括虚弱、疲乏、记忆力减退、头晕、头痛、失眠和慢性疼痛。但到了四十年代,美国的执业医师开始质疑其正确性。最终,它和其他太过含糊的综合征一起被搁置在了一边,比如歇斯底里,它代表了一连串的症状,而非一种特定的病状。但是,随着神经衰弱在美国逐渐淡去,其他国家的精神分析学家正在欣然接受“躯体化”这个术语,这个词源自希腊语中的“soma”,身体之意。他们把它看成一种原始的防卫机制,是埋藏在潜意识中的焦虑或是恐惧得以冲破并进入有意识世界的一种方法。而且他们越来越多地把它和中国人联系在一起。

Kleinman, working in Hunan, felt there wassomething more complex going on. In a now classic study in cross-culturalpsychiatry, he examined 100 patients from the outpatient clinic at the medicalcollege. Through lengthy interviews and diagnostic testing, he determined that87 percent of them were actually suffering from depression, and could be treatedwith antidepressants — even though they had come to the clinic complaining ofbodily symptoms and didn’t report depressed moods.

在湖南工作的克莱曼,感觉这里面存在更复杂的动因。在一项如今已经成为经典的跨文化精神病学研究中,他检查了医科大学门诊部的100名病人。通过漫长的访谈和诊断检测,他判定:他们中有87%的人实际上罹患的是抑郁症,而且可以用抗抑郁剂来治疗,尽管他们来门诊部抱怨的是身体上的症状,而不会上报抑郁情绪。

China was a recovering nation, fresh out ofthe terror of the Cultural Revolution. Kleinman believed that the Chinesedidn’t feel safe enough to express their emotions, which could be interpretedas criticism of the government. Instead, they intentionally complained ofheadaches or pains, a cry for help that was free of political interpretation.His findings sent ripples across Chinese psychiatric communities.

中国是一个复原中的国家。克莱曼相信,中国人对于表达情绪没什么安全感,这可以被解读为对政府的批评。他们反而会故意抱怨头疼或是疼痛,这是一种免于被政治解读的大声呼救。他的发现在中国精神病学圈子内引发了反响。

It was a study authored by an American at atime when China was adjusting to a drastic change from Mao Zedong to DengXiaoping, wrote Sing Lee, a professor in the Department of Psychiatry at theUniversity of Hong Kong. But it also implied something else: that the Chinesewere not reading their feelings accurately. The study, Lee continued,insinuated that they had flagrantly missed patients with major depression.

这项研究是一个美国人在中国剧变的时代中著写的,李辛(音)写到,TA是香港大学精神病学系教授。但这也暗示出了一些别的:即这些中国人没有准确读取他们的感受。李继续说道,该研究暗示了他们的的确确错过了那些重度抑郁的病人。

“Your cultural context just tells you what is important to payattention to,” Chentsova-Dutton said.

“你的文化背景会直接告诉你要去关注哪些重要事物”,千索娃-达顿说。

I DIDN’T KNOW what neurasthenia or Chinesesomatization was when I had my first dizzy spell in 2012. After almost failingout of undergraduate school because of anxiety, I put my life on hold to traveland work on farms in Europe. One day, a strange feeling washed over me, likethe inside of my head was spinning. I returned to New York, and the dizzinessworsened. When I started to feel numbness and tingling in my fingertips andtoes, I saw a neurologist who ordered an MRI.

在我2012年第一次犯头晕时,我还不清楚神经衰弱或中国人的躯体化是什么。我在本科阶段时由于焦虑症几乎完不成学业而退学,我把我的身家性命放在了坚持旅行以及在欧洲农场干活上。有一天,一种奇怪的感觉兀自袭来,就像脑袋里面高速旋转了起来。我回到纽约,晕眩的情况又恶化了。当我的指尖和脚趾开始感觉到麻木和刺痛时,我去看了神经内科医生,预约了一次核磁共振。



“Your cultural context just tells you what is important to payattention to,” Chentsova-Dutton said. “Usually when you develop depression, youare hit with so many changes in your mind. You’re thinking differently, you’refeeling differently. You’re essentially looking for some sort of explanation inyour cultural environment, and if you happen to be in China and people aroundyou talk about neurasthenia, they will tell you what is important to payattention to.”

“你的文化背景会直接告诉你要去关注哪些重要事物”,千索娃-达顿说。“通常,当产生了抑郁时,你的心里会被如此多的变化打击到。你会以不同的方式去思维,以不同的方式去感受。本质上,你是在你的文化环境中寻找某种解释,而如果你恰巧身在中国,并且你身边的人们在谈论神经衰弱,他们就会告诉你要去关注哪些重要事物。”



Just like she learned the Orionconstellation from her father, a Chinese kid could have used the same stars tosee a different shape: the White Tiger of the West. In her current experimentsin collaboration with Ryder, Chentsova-Dutton is bringing Chinese and Americanstudents into her lab and putting their emotional constellations to the test.In their most recent study, which is still under review, the team showedChinese and European-American young women a sad animated, wordless film. Whilewatching the film, the women had their physiological activity measured, theirfacial expressions recorded, and they filled out self-reports.

正如她从她父亲那里认识了猎户座,一个中国孩子也许针对同样的一组星星看出了不同的形状:西方的白虎。在她现阶段和瑞德合作的实验中,千索娃-达顿把中国和美国学生带进了她的实验室,并把他们的情感星座投入了实验中。在他们最新的、仍处于审核状态的研究中,该团队给中国人和美国的欧洲裔放映了一部悲伤的动画默片。在观看这部电影的过程中,测量了他们的生理活性、记录下了他们的面部表情,并让他们填写了自我评定表。

(译注:猎户座在华夏星宿体系中归属于西方白虎七宿)

Chentsova-Dutton found that the Chinesewomen reported more bodily sensations. They said their heartbeat and breathingchanged, they noticed goosebumps, and body temperature shifts. Both groupsreported that they felt sadness, but the Chinese women also reported somepositive feelings. While the movie was sad, they appreciated the beauty of theillustrations, for example.

千索娃-达顿发现,中国女性上报的身体感觉更多。她们说她们的心跳和呼吸(节奏)改变了,她们注意到自己起了鸡皮疙瘩,而且体温也有快速变化。两组人都上报说,他们感觉到了悲伤,但中国女性也上报了一些积极的感受。比如说,虽然这部片子很悲伤,她们还是很赞赏这些阐释过程的美好。

Chentsova-Dutton said it reminded her of anancient Chinese fable, from the Taoist tradition, about a farmer and his horse.One day the horse runs away, and the farmer’s neighbor says, “I’m sorry aboutyour horse, that’s bad that he ran away.” The farmer replies, “Who knows what’sgood or bad?” The next day the horse returns with a dozen feral horses, and theneighbor says, “What good fortune!” The farmer says, “Who knows what’s good orbad?” And on, and on. The moral is that with each fortune comes a littlemisery, and vice versa. Nothing is purely good, or purely bad; the classic yinyang model. Chentsova-Dutton’s participants, watching the sad film, wereexhibiting this lesson, or what she calls a cultural scxt. Though thousandsof years old, it was influencing the way they experienced their emotions and,also, their bodies.

千索娃-达顿说,这种现象让她想起了道家传统中一个古老的中国寓言,说的是一个农民和他的马。有一天这匹马跑丢了,然后这个农民的邻居就说,“我很难过你丢了马,它跑丢了真是太糟糕了。”这农民答道,“谁又能知道这是好还是坏呢?”第二天,那匹马带着十二匹野马回来了,然后那邻居说,“运气可真好!”那农民说,“谁又能知道这是好还是坏呢?”等等等等。个中寓意就是,每一次运气都伴随着一点不幸,反之亦然。没有什么是纯粹的好,或纯粹的坏;这就是经典的阴阳模型。千索娃-达顿那些观看了这部悲伤影片的实验参与者给我们上的就是这一课,或者用她的话来说,一种文化脚本。虽然已经有几千年历史了,它仍影响着他们体验自己情感以及身体的方式。



What’s also real is the takeaway message:Just because the Chinese were feeling physical sensations did not mean theiremotional experiences were dampened or being replaced by the bodily sensations.In fact, Chentsova-Dutton thinks their findings turn the previous Euro-centrictheories on their head. If anything, the Chinese were showing a more complexresponse than the Americans.

这里得到的重要启示也同样真实:仅仅因为中国人感受到了身体上的感觉,并不意味着他们的情感体验被抑制了或是被身体感觉取代了。事实上,千索娃-达顿认为,他们的发现改变了早先悬在他们头顶上的以欧洲为中心的理论。如果说有什么不同的话,中国人表现出的反应比美国人要复杂一些。

IF A TAOIST fable could change the typesand variety of emotions people felt, could such cultural scxts also bechanging our brains? In an emerging field called cultural neuroscience, thatanswer appears to be yes. Mary Helen Immordino-Yang, a cultural neuroscientistat USC, is currently completing a five-year NSF grant to figure out how cultureand our environments shape our brains, and our perceptions of ourselves.

如果一则道教寓言能改变人们感受到情感的类型和多样性,这种文化脚本也能改变我们的大脑吗?在被称为文化神经科学的一个新兴领域中,给出的答案似乎是可以。南加州大学的文化神经科学家玛丽·海伦·艾默蒂诺-杨为了弄清楚文化和我们的环境塑造我们大脑以及自我感知的方式,此刻正在完成一项由美国国家科学基金会(NSF)资助五年的项目。

When I found Immordino-Yang’s work, I wasdrawn to it for a selfish reason: Immordino-Yang was married to aChinese-American man, and her kids were bi-cultural, like me. One of herstudies included a bi-cultural group, and I was eager to ask her: how did Iknow how I felt? Do I feel like a Chinese person or an American?

在我找到艾默蒂诺-杨著作的时候,当时被吸引过来是出于私心:艾默蒂诺-杨嫁给了一个美籍华裔男,而且她的孩子像我一样,也是沐浴在二元文化中的。她的其中一个研究包括一个二元文化群组,而我好想问问她:我要怎样才能知道我是如何感受的?我的感受方式接近一个中国人还是一个美国人?

In that research she looked at threegroups: American USC students, English-speaking second-generation East-AsianUSC students, and Chinese students at Beijing Normal University. When shelooked at how their neural activity corresponded to their emotional experiences— what they were feeling in the moment — she found “very systematic culturaldifferences,” in their anterior insulas, the part of the brain that mapsvisceral states and makes us aware of our feelings. Her findings showed thatactivity in different parts of the insula was associated with feeling strengthdepending on what culture a participant was from. And, for the bi-culturals, orsecond-generation Chinese, in the study, Immordino-Yang found that their brainresults fell somewhere in between the full Chinese and full Americans.

在那个研究中,她研究了三个分组:南加州大学的美国学生、移民第二代说英语的南加州大学东亚学生,以及北京师范大学的中国学生。当她在审视他们的神经活动与其情感体验(他们在当下的感受)的相符程度时,在他们的前脑岛中,发现了“非常系统化的文化差异”,大脑的这一部分能映现内脏状态,并能让我们意识到自己的感受。她的发现表明,脑岛不同部位中的活动是和感受力联系在一起的,而后者取决于受访者来自哪种文化。而且,对于该项研究中的二元文化者或第二代华裔来说,艾默蒂诺-杨发现,在他们大脑中得出的结果落在了纯的中国人和纯的美国人之间。

When Immordino-Yang and I connect on Skypeto talk it over, she tells me that she firmly believes, and her work continuesto show, that our biological legacy is intertwined with our cultural one. Theways our brains are wired and develop is shaped by the culture in which we areraised. The answer of “how I feel,” could only be answered by my specific past.

当艾默蒂诺-杨和我在Skype上视频连线探讨这个问题时,她告诉我,她坚信,也是她的工作持续表明的是:我们的生物遗产和我们的文化遗产是绞缠在一起的。我们大脑排线和发育的方式是由我们长大的那个环境中的文化塑造的。问题“我是如何感受的”的答案,也许只能由我特定的过去来回答。

“Many cultures don’t even have a general concept of emotion,” Tsaitold me.

“很多文化甚至都没有大体上的情感概念”,蔡告诉我。



IN THE END, there was something physicallywrong with me. I was eventually diagnosed with a dysautonomia called PosturalOrthostatic Tachycardia Syndrome (POTS), which means that my body doesn’t do agreat job of regulating my blood pressure when I move around. That moment ofdizziness you get when you stand up too fast? That’s what I was feeling all thetime.

到最后,我还是出了一点身体上的状况。我最终被诊断出了一种家族性自主神经异常,被称为“体位性心动过速综合症(POTS)”,意思是在我四处活动的时候,我的身体调控血压的能力不太行。你们在迅速站起身来的时候会不会感到一阵晕眩?而这是我一直都能感觉到的。

“We live in a world that’s overly psychologized, and that reflectsthe hyper-individualism of the West.”

“我们生活在一个滥用心理学解析事物的世界,而这反映出了西方的超级个人主义。”

My cure was table salt, 1 gram each day, toraise my blood pressure. It worked, my dizziness went away. But something elsewent away around the same time: my back-breaking anxiety, and my depressionresulting from that anxiety. It wasn’t solved by the salt, but from regularlygoing to therapy, graduating college, renewing my passion in writing, andfinding a partner.

我的疗法是摄入食盐,每天一克,以提高我的血压。这招奏效了,我的晕眩消失了。但大约在同一时间,有别的什么东西也消失了:快要了我命的焦虑,以及我那由焦虑导致的抑郁。这并不是靠盐解决的,而是定期参加治疗、从大学毕业、重燃写作的热情,以及找到一位搭档。

Recently, I stopped taking my salt pill.First I skipped a day, terrified the dizziness would come back. Then I skippedtwo days, then three. I’ve been completely off them for five weeks and haven’thad any attacks. My cardiologist said this might happen, that I might grow outof it. But even now, I question the diagnosis. What was real — my anxiety, mydepression, or POTS?

最近,我停服了我的盐丸。我先是隔天服,害怕晕眩会再次袭来。然后是每隔两天服,再是三天。我完全摆脱它们已经五周了,还没有发过病。我的心脏病医生说,这种情况也是有可能发生的,也许我会随着岁数上去而自愈。但甚至在此刻,我都在质疑这种诊断。到底什么才是真的,我的焦虑、我的抑郁还是体位性心动过速综合症?

I’m still stuck in the idea that one mustbe more “real” that the other. Body or mind — my American culture shiningthrough. But what of the Chinese side? I didn’t feel like I had a choice tofeel dizziness instead of a more psychological expression of anxiety. Inreality, I know I experienced both. At the same time, whether I have POTS ornot, I did spend two years in doctor’s offices seeking help for physicalsymptoms before it even dawned on me to see a therapist. It’s clear whichculture’s help-seeking method I prioritized.

我仍然陷在其中一个必定比另一个更“真实”的想法中。身还是心,我美国文化的一面表现了出来。但中国的那一面又是怎样的呢?我并不觉得自己可以选择性地去感受晕眩,而不去感受焦虑的更偏心理层面的表现。在现实中,我清楚这两者我都体验过。与此同时,关于我是否罹患了体位性心动过速综合症,在渐渐明白过来需要去看心理治疗师之前,我确实花了两年在医生办公室里就身体症状寻求帮助。我优先考虑的是哪种文化的求助方法,也就很显见了。

Almost two decades after Kleinman’s seminalstudy in China, I went to Harvard to see him. If the American emotional life isbleeding its way into China, Kleinman’s office offers refuge. In it, I found anAmerican man submerged in the Chinese. All the books and paintings were ofChina, its culture and its people. Kleinman himself drops into Chineseeffortlessly, with an accent my mother would raise her eyebrows at, and say,“impressive.”

就在克莱曼在中国开展开创性研究的近20年后,我去哈佛大学见了他。如果说美国人这种情感丰沛的生活正在渗透进中国,那克莱曼的办公室提供的就是一个避难所了。在那里,我发现了一个淹没在中国之中的美国人。所有的书和画都是关于中国、中国文化以及中国人民的。克莱曼自己毫不费力地溜进了中国人的体内,用一种会让我母亲扬起眉毛的口音说道,“很亮眼嘛。”

Kleinman still believes that the politicalturmoil and trauma of his original study influenced the behavior heencountered, and what symptoms people felt safe expressing. But he doesn’tthink what he saw in 1980 should be pathologized, or even considered unusual.He now thinks it should be seen as precious.

克莱曼仍然相信,他最初开展研究期间的时局混乱和政治创伤影响到了他遇到的人的行为,以及人们表现出什么样的症状才是感觉安全的。但他不认为他在1980年见到的情况应该被归入病态,或被视为不同寻常。他现在认为,那些应被视为珍异。

“In the past and even in the present, many psychologists andpsychiatrists saw this as a limitation or even a pathology,” he said. “Icompletely disagree now. I believe it’s a virtue of Chinese society. We live ina world that’s overly psychologized, and that reflects the hyper-individualismof the West, which has now extended completely to young people in China.”

“在过去,甚至在现在,很多心理学家和精神病学家将此视为一种局限,或甚至是一种病态”,他说。“现在的我是完全不同意的。我相信这是中国社会的一种美德。我们生活在一个滥用心理学解析事物的世界,而这反映出了西方的超级个人主义,如今,这种情况已经完全蔓延到了中国的年轻人身上。”

Kleinman says this with a hint of sorrow.“It’s not in my view, a somatic experience of depression that is different.It’s the psychological experience of depression,” he said. “I think that theworld we live in has changed, and with it, the perceptions of feelings and theactual feelings themselves have changed. If your mom treated you in atraditional Chinese manner, for example, she expressed her love, not by tellingyou, ‘I love you,’ which is an American thing, but by expressing it in the foodshe gave you, and the things she did for you.”

克莱曼说到这点的时候,带着几分悲伤。“我不觉得,一种躯体化的抑郁体验有什么不同。这就是抑郁的心理体验”,他说。“我认为,我们生活的这个世界已经变了,而随着它的变化,对感觉和真实感觉的感知本身也已经变了。如果你的母亲用传统的中国方式来对待你,比如说,她不会用对你说‘我爱你’来表达她的爱意,这是美国的习惯,而是通过她做给你吃的食物,以及她为你做的事情来表达。”

I had been so focused on depression, andother dark feelings that somatization could be covering, that I was jolted byKleinman mentioning love.

过去我太专注于抑郁以及其他可以由躯体化掩盖的阴暗感受了,以至于克莱曼提到的爱一下子惊醒了我。

In a rush of sentiment, I think back to mythree-year-old self, taking a nap beside my Chinese grandmother. She wouldgently scratch my arms until I fell asleep, attending completely and only to mybody. Laying in the afternoon warmth, my arms stretched out toward her, like aplant reaching for the sun. My grandmother also made clothes for me (and mybody). When I saw her in China last year, I complimented a shirt she waswearing — blue with white flowers. She immediately took it off and insistedthat I take it home with me; literally taking the shirt off her back for me.

胸内一阵感情涌动,我回想起了三岁时的自己,在我的中国祖母身边打盹。她会温柔地挠我的胳膊,直到我睡去,全心不二地照顾我的身体。躺在午后温暖中的我,向她伸出胳膊,就像一颗植物向着太阳蓬萌。我的祖母也会给我(和我的身体)做衣服。去年我在中国见到她时,我称赞了她身着的蓝底白花衬衫。她立刻就脱了下来,坚持要求我把它带回家去;一点也不夸张,就这么从身上脱了下来给我。



These symptoms of love involve the bodytoo, but these stars don’t hurt. Like the sun, they have incredible warmth.

这些爱的症状也涉及了身体,但这些星星并不会让人痛苦。就像那太阳一样,它们散发着让人难以置信的温暖。

(作者为科普作家,哥伦比亚大学科学/环境/医学硕士学位,生活在纽约布鲁克林)